Our president is a stable genius who has accomplished more than any president since Abraham Lincoln. Skeptical? Just ask him — he will affirm that it’s true.
While achieving self-acclaimed greatness, he is presiding over a nation experiencing around 1,500 COVID-19 deaths each day, and an economy that has suffered its worst single quarter collapse since the Great Depression. It’s unsafe to dine out, gather in crowds and to travel.
Nevertheless, according to recent polling over one third of the nation approves of Trump’s handling of the coronavirus situation that he originally labeled a “Democratic hoax” that would soon go away. He maintained that we didn’t need a national plan. The states were declared “on their own.”
We now learn that son-in-law Kushner had collaborated with some non-health “experts” to concoct “a plan.” However, as it was observed that the virus had initially hit blue states — Washington, California, New York, New Jersey — the hardest, it would be politically advantageous to just back off and blame the Democratic governors for the suffering and deaths. The “plan” disappeared into thin air.
This is typical thinking of the “stable genius” — instant gratification and short-term practice of what passes for thought. Apparently, Republicans and Trump supporters in those blue states were expendable. And, much to the president’s shock, the virus has no respect for state lines and politics. Red states of Arizona, Texas, Florida, Georgia and others followed with alarming increases of cases and deaths.
Even presidential wingman and virus denier, Congressman Louie Gohmert of Texas, has now been infected. He opines that he might have got it from wearing a mask, and is allegedly treating it with hydroxychloroquine. Gohmert carries a widely held reputation as the most ignorant member of Congress.
The flip side of the one third of the population that agrees with Trump that “we are doing just fine” is an apparent majority who believe that we are not.
Who knows — Trump has survived attempts to make real estate deals with Russia, even while lying about it; seeking help from foreign entities to interfere in our elections; paying off women for their silence; abandoning allied troops in the battle against ISIS; using his office to enrich himself and his children; and a laundry list of other malevolent deeds too numerous to list here. With the exception of an occasional furrowed brow, his sycophantic Republican enablers have raised no alarm, remaining tied to Trump. None of this has mattered to them except, maybe, the polling.
There is some chatter that a combination of Trump’s inaction and incompetence of dealing with the virus, and his tin ear with respect to racial issues, are at last responsible for his falling poll numbers, serious enough that some
Republican senators up for reelection may be in trouble. With a Biden victory, Democrats would need to net three victories over Republicans to get control of the Senate and oust McConnell as majority leader.
Assuming high probability that Democrats will lose a senator in conservative Alabama, they need to beat four Republicans. Prime targets are McSally of Arizona, Gardner of Colorado, Tillis of North Carolina, and the duplicitous Collins of Maine who has long convinced media nitwits that she is some sort of “moderate.” She is not, and never was.
Some observers also see Senate races in Georgia, Iowa, Montana and possibly a couple other states, as “competitive.”
Adding to Democratic optimism is an apparent drop of Trump support in suburban districts, by white women, college educated whites, and even by non-college working class whites and senior citizens that were considered the core of Trump’s base. I say “somewhat” because Democrats justifiably fear unbridled optimism and complacency, and realize that Republicans generally fall in line.
Nevertheless, Trump’s polling numbers focus attention on the one thing that matters to Republican senators on the ballot this November — their reelection. History reminds us that if the top of the ticket loses badly, it portends defeat for down-ballot candidates of that same party. Their solid record of support for Trump and his transgressions, along with Trump’s dismal polling numbers, forces Republican candidates to walk a tight rope. To divorce themselves from Trump could antagonize Trump supporters whose support they need; but to be tight with Trump will impel voters who are sick of Trump to vote for the Democratic senate candidate.
If Republican senatorial candidates are in a bind, it’s a bind of their own making by vigorously endorsing Trump’s actions and standing by him even when his behavior would have finished any other politician. To divorce themselves from Trump, or even “damning him by faint praise,” will clearly smack of hypocrisy. It’s too late to untie the knot.
The Senate races are as important as the presidential race. If Republicans retain control of the Senate, they still control the confirmation of presidential cabinet level and judicial appointments. And, McConnell will continue to control the Senate with an iron fist and block any progressive legislation dealing with any of this nation’s many pressing issues.
Democrats are right not to be too optimistic. Democrats famously and habitually snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. Instead of unifying for victory, Democrats, with help and encouragement of the media, nitpick or tear each other apart, and tend to sit on their hands rather than vote when it counts.
In contrast, Republicans ignore real flaws in their candidates and ultimately tend to fall in line.
Polling numbers don’t matter. What matters is who is allowed to vote, who actually votes, and whose votes are counted.
Next week: Republican tactics for avoiding possible defeat.
— John Waelti of Monroe, a retired professor of economics, can be reached at jjwaelti1@tds.net. His column appears Saturdays in the Monroe Times.
