The $1.9 trillion Covid-19 Relief Bill is now law. Even with a 72% American majority approving the bill, with that huge price tag and only a razor thin Democratic majority it was a hard sell and a major legislative accomplishment.
Not a single Republican House or Senate member gave it their vote. They pilloried it as a Democratic wish list, unrelated to the pandemic, “too big,” and “socialism,” of course. Most ludicrous of all they called it “unnecessary” as the economy was, thanks to Donald Trump, “poised for vigorous recovery.”
A 6.2% unemployment rate, long lines of people waiting for a box of food, and many more struggling to pay routine bills is far from an economy poised for recovery.
Trump would have us believe that he is solely responsible for the vaccine. For Trump to take credit for the vaccine is like a fan rooting for his hometown batter to get that game-winning hit, and taking credit for it as he runs the bases — as if that fan were the only one rooting for it, and it otherwise would not have been accomplished.
Ok, so the vaccines were invented under Trump’s watch. Giving him credit and feeding his fragile ego would be a small price to pay for saving some lives if he would encourage his supporters, nearly half of whom express reluctance to get vaccinated, to actually get vaccinated. Instead, he and his wife got vaccinated in private. He wants credit for the vaccine while not encouraging his supporters to get vaccinated.
As with most decisions in life, whether it’s taking an antibiotic, getting vaccinated, changing jobs, managing money, or a major public policy decision, it’s a matter of weighing possible consequences and risks. A majority of the public, along with Biden and congressional Democrats decided that the risk of the $1.9 trillion bill being “too big” was less than the risk of doing nothing or passing a bill that was too small.
Some Republicans worry that in view of the economy that was “poised for recovery,” the bill is inflationary. The rate of inflation is still below the Fed’s target of two percent. While price levels should be monitored, the Fed is better equipped to stem potential inflation than it is to fight the pandemic and promote economic expansion. For the latter, fiscal policy is the more effective policy tool, and that’s where this bill comes in.
Meanwhile, depending on which poll, Biden’s approval rate for handling the pandemic is at or above 62%. His overall approval rating is above 50%, higher than Trump at his peak.
Biden has handled this history-making legislation masterfully, giving credit to the public, mayors and governors, and to legislators, even including Republicans who weighed in even though they refused to vote for the final bill. This is in stark contrast to Trump’s chest thumping “it’s all about me” approach.
If a popular and much-needed bill like this one was difficult, future legislation will be far more difficult and highly unlikely. Forget the happy talk of “bi-partisanship.” It takes “two to tango,” and Republicans have clearly demonstrated that in lieu of forming their own constructive agenda, their sole agenda is to “stop Biden.”
On immigration reform, there is not even agreement that DACA members should have a path to citizenship. Republicans complain that immigrants take American jobs. We don’t see Americans lining up to pick fruit or harvest radishes and spinach. Immigrants, legal and otherwise, staff many of the crucial low-paid jobs, much of the work dangerous, such as meat cutting and packing.
Any progress on the whole range of immigration issues that is more than marginal nibbling around the edges will be surprising.
Similarly, police reform has become hopelessly politicized. Let’s be clear — no serious person is advocating “defund the police.” Meaningful reform, if anything, will require additional funding, including augmenting police forces with personnel trained to deal with domestic violence and drug addiction. Serious congressional discussion of this along with related hot-button racial issues would be a pleasant surprise.
Voting rights and voting suppression is another matter on which there will be much talk but little action. The gutting of the Voting Rights Act by the Supreme Court in 2013 was immediately followed by Republican-controlled state legislatures passing legislation clearly designed to suppress Democratic votes, under the guise of “preventing fraud” that did not exist. With Trump/Republican insistence that the 2020 election was fraudulent, over 250 vote-suppressing bills have been introduced in 43 states by Republican legislatures. Yet to be explained is how Republicans increased their House membership, won several GOP Senate seats that they were expected to lose, and did well in state legislative races in the very same “fraudulent” election that Trump lost.
Clearly, instead of examining their agenda and expanding their base, Republicans have chosen to suppress the vote. A common theme is to limit absentee voting, restricting voting to Election Day only. So Iowa proposes to close its polls an hour earlier. This, to eliminate fraud?
A favorite Republican trick to suppress votes is to change locations of polling places and reduce them in number, causing voters to wait in long lines. A cruel and inhumane Georgia proposal would be to criminalize handing water or food to voters waiting in long lines during hot or inclement weather. Congressional Republicans will surely reject any proposals to make voting easier, arguing “leave it to the states.”
If there is a ghost of a chance for bi-partisan action on any major legislation, it would theoretically be on infrastructure. But again, if it would be seen as a Biden victory, Republicans will oppose it. Meanwhile, as our roads and bridges crumble, and municipal water systems need rejuvenation, China, Europe, and much of the rest of the world improves their infrastructure, leaving us ever further behind.
Biden’s legislative road ahead remains a tough one.
— John Waelti of Monroe, a retired professor of economics, can be reached at jjwaelti1@tds.net. His column appears Saturdays in the Monroe Times.
