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Waelti: The Federal Government — All Trump Without Restraint
John Waelti

It was evident as the early returns rolled in, Trump out-performing Harris with cohorts she had been expected to win. It was downhill from there. He had gained with the Hispanic and Male Black vote. He gained with the younger vote with males that had gone for Biden in 2020.

Even many union voters preferred an anti-union candidate over the party of Biden, the first president in history to join a picket line. It was ominous when MSNBC’s Alex Wagner interviewed some young union members in Michigan that were employed on a project resulting from Biden’s infrastructure bill. Most of them were uncertain who they were going to vote for. Some were clearly for Trump. They didn’t seem to realize that they were employed because of Biden’s bill — another testament to the characteristically inept Democratic messaging. But given the headwinds faced by Kamala Harris, it probably would not have mattered.

Not just Americans, but voters around the world were, and are, angry, discontent, and anxious about the future. In all major industrial nations incumbents have gone down to defeat with the post-pandemic trauma and related inflation. World-wide inflation rates have declined in the U.S. more than in other nations. But that’s not satisfying to angry voters as prices remain higher than at pre-pandemic levels.

And immigration — Trump ordered Republicans to kill a bi-partisan bill that would have seriously addressed the issue that has for too long been ignored. That didn’t matter; it was too late. Democrats were tarred with that brush.

Nor did a lot of other things matter, any one of which would have immediately ended any other political career than Donald Trump’s. POWs as losers, demeaning John McCain’s military record, negotiating a real estate deal with Putin, the Hollywood Access tape, paying off a porn star to conceal a lover’s tryst, walking off with a carload of classified documents, inciting a mob that invaded and trashed the Capitol building while declining to engage in the peaceful transfer of power, and much else. Trump not only managed to evade the consequences, but even gained traction with any and all attempts to make him face the music.

It was mainly about immigration and inflation. The Supreme Court’s terrible Dobbs decision infuriated women, and many men. But that issue, as deadly and dangerous as its consequences, didn’t bring the votes expected to produce Democratic majorities. Nor was the issue of “saving democracy” a major issue for many voters. That’s either too abstract, or voters didn’t believe Trump would engage in his anti-democratic (small “d”) promises. And, let’s face it, some voters, hopefully only a small number, are “fed up” with democracy and explicitly favor a strong authoritarian, as long as it’s “their” authoritarian.

Trump openly and explicitly promised to change, actually demolish, the system; firing thousands of career government employees, replacing them with political appointees. He promised to use the Department of Justice, to “go after enemies within,” namely his political enemies. Some Republicans cheer these promises while Democrats see these tactics as authoritarianism. Democrats were accused of hyperbole on this. After all, doesn’t the system have guardrails, checks and balances?

Yes, it does — separation of power with three equal branches of government, each assumed to jealously protect its own power. In addition, there are uncodified guardrails assumed to be understood. But these latter are effective only when they are mutually respected. 

The institutions responsible for the checks and balances of our democracy are only as effective as the people occupying them. With incoming President Trump, the executive branch is acquiring historic power, essentially unchecked by either the judicial or legislative branches of government.

Trump has already named three members of the Supreme Court in addition to another three that are clearly in his camp. That would be less troubling had it not been for the court’s recent decision to grant him immunity for any “official” act. In addition, he has appointed many lower courts justices, including one that has slow-walked his indictment of illegally taking classified documents, lying about it, and resisting request to return them. He will never face the music for that escapade.

While a congress of the same party as the president will naturally be in line with the president on policy, the congress is expected to maintain its independence. We’re off to a shaky start here. Trump has already demanded the Senate to confirm his nominations under its “recess appointment” provision that would avoid public hearings involving Democrats. Of course with the Senate’s Republican majority, his nominations will, in any case, be confirmed, the Democrats relegated merely to questions and opinion. But a recess appointment avoids public scrutiny and potential exposure of a nominee’s shortcomings, or even reasons for disqualification. In addition, if the Senate voluntarily knuckles under to Trump’s demand, it further illustrates his power, making the Senate “his” institution.

Some traditions, however symbolic, reveal character of an administration. Upon Trump’s 2020 defeat, First Lady Melania Trump did not follow the tradition of inviting incoming First Lady Jill Biden to tea and tour, a tradition followed by all First Ladies since the Truman administration. Nevertheless, dismissing the snub, First Lady Jill Biden has invited incoming First Lady Melania Trump for tea. So far, Melania has ignored the invitation. That’s symbolic. But such symbols are important — revealing character and class, or lack thereof.

In contrast to Trump’s election denial of 2020, President Biden has promised that he and his political appointees will cooperate with incoming appointees to make the transition as smooth as possible. That’s not only courtesy, but for national security, as a change in administrations is when the nation is most at risk for potential enemy or terrorist action.

Arizona’s Kari Lake still insists she won her 2022 Senate race that she actually lost, and again lost her 2024 Senate race. Satirist Andy Borowitz observes that she is now furious at her Republican Party for accepting the results without fighting. “Where are the election deniers when we need them?”

Trump wins decisively. But it’s not the “landslide” proclaimed by the media clones once again reinforcing each other’s ignorance. Even with Trump controlling the three branches of government with no restraints, we’re still essentially a 50-50 nation — even with Trump’s recent ally, Elon Musk.

The world’s most powerful authoritarian allied with the world’s richest man. What could possibly go wrong!


— John Waelti of Monroe, a retired professor of economics, can be reached at jjwaelti1@tds.net. His column appears monthly in the Monroe Times.